Showing posts with label Politic. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Politic. Show all posts

Feb 19, 2012

Saatnya "Melawan" secara BARU

Kerja Sama Trilateral
Potong Birokrasi yang Berbelit

Oleh: Ermalindus Sonbay, putra daerah Kefamenanu. 

Patologi birokrasi yang akut telah mencerai Indonesia dalam banyak bidang, khususnya dalam semangat mengedepankan transparansi dalam birokrasi. Kehancuran negara yang didirikan Soekarno ini akhirnya menjadi sesuatu yang nyata. Jakarta sentris yang berusaha dihapuskan sejak reformasi bergulir hanyalah omong kosong belaka, bahkan tema ini menjadi jualan politik yang basi. Semangat membangun daerah berbasis otonomi terbentur strategi dan grand design pemerintah pusat yang katanya gemuk dan busuk karena aroma polusi dan kemacetan yang tak kunjung selesai. Untuk mengatasi kemacetan dan polusi serta berbagai persoalan urban di Jakarta saja pemerintah tidak mampu, dan keadaan terburuk dialami oleh jutaan penduduk yang tinggal jauh dari Jakarta.

Untuk mengurus daerah sendiri, seperti NTT, segala sesuatu harus datang dari Jakarta. Jakarta bahkan tidak pernah memberikan kesejukan sedikit pun. Jakarta bahkan tidak pernah tahu apa yang sudah begitu akut di level akar rumput. Suara perubahan mentok karena hanya ditumpuk di belakang meja para petinggi pemilik “RFS” yang katanya sejuk dengan AC yang super elite.

Kerja sama trilateral berbasis semangat kedaerahan merupakan salah satu bentuk kerja sama yang boleh jadi urgen untuk situasi NTT. Mengapa potensi bertetangga dengan Timor Leste dan Negara Bagian Australia Utara tidak bisa dibangun dengan mantap. Dilli-Kupang-Darwin [DKD] adalah ideal mengembangkan potensi tiga wilayah yang masing-masingnya memiliki sedikit kesamaan.

Darwin cenderung menjadi bagian yang agak ditinggalkan di Australia. Timor Leste dan NTT juga terbelit dengan kasus kemiskinan dan keterbelakangan warisan kolonialisme. Nah, untuk membuka mata pusat-pusat pemerintahan yang korup dengan peselingkuhan tak senonoh yang terus dilakukan dengan kalangan pemilik modal, kreativitas anak-anak daerah menjadi sesuatu yang penting.

Jan 31, 2012

Doctorism v. Big Brotherism: A response to Big Man Culture V. Mauberism

by Fidelis Magalhaes 
source: mailing list etan 

I found Anderson´s article on Big Brotherism v. Mauberism rather romantic. In his attempt to draw a philosophical, or rather cultural, divide among the Timorese leaders, he fails to reflect the reality on the ground. So in this response I set out to clarify a number of issues. 

First, he claims that the ‘Big man’ culture means that local and political conflict are seen as resolvable by the intervention of a great personality, a hero or mediator. The ‘big man’ politician, like the clan leader or the Liurai, can be seen as a unifying force, expected to impose himself on the situation and then distribute benefits. Still in the same context, he draws a parallel with the Melanesian culture of a big man who garners loyalty by distributing club goods. Although, this quick assertions may ring true if we conduct a hasty analysis, but once one goes deeper one would find that things are not that black and white. In fact that very big brotherism that he chastises in fact is a subset of Mauberism it-self. Big Brotherism is a product of the resistance years. It did not come out of the blue without a clear genesis. Big brotherism, despite the fact that it had already been used in the jungle among the FALINTIL fighters partially due to the near annihilation of its original leaders and in search for comfort out of a collective orphanhood, became popularized by the sudden participation of the youth circa. 1989. This last wave of participation and their obvious age difference with Xanana and other FALINTIL leaders allowed this big brotherism to grow. 

Timorese elections: ‘big man’ culture v. ‘mauberism’


by Tim Anderson

Tim Anderson
Tim Anderson
(photo facebook note)
This year’s (2012) elections in Timor Leste will not just be about a clash of parties or personalities, but also a confrontation between two important themes: ‘mauberism’ and ‘big man’ culture.

Fretilin’s better known ‘mauberism’ is an assertion of indigenous identity which stresses cultural pride and collective action. ‘Maubere’ was the derogatory word used by the Portuguese for ordinary Timorese. Fretilin reclaimed the idea to stress identification with these same people. Common rural people (and not a European-style working class) were seen as the revolutionary subjects of an independence movement aiming at ‘ukun rasik an’ (self determination).

Many have written on the practical (e.g. literacy) and cultural achievements (post-colonial self-confidence) of ‘mauberism’. A criticism is sometimes made: did ‘mauberism’ elevate a racial element which was at times used against the many ‘mestizo’ or mixed race Timorese? If it did, the next question would be: to what extent does this matter?

Jan 29, 2012

Report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (for the period from 20 September 2011 to 6 January 2012)



I. Introduction

1. The present report is submitted pursuant to Security Council resolution 1969 (2011), by which the Council extended the mandate of the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT) until 26 February 2012. It covers major developments in Timor-Leste and the implementation of the Mission’s mandate since 20 September 2011. My Special Representative, Ameerah Haq, continued to lead the Mission and coordinate with United Nations system actors and other stakeholders. She was assisted by my Deputy Special Representative for Governance Support, Development and Humanitarian Coordination, Finn Reske- Nielsen, and by my Deputy Special Representative for Security Sector Support and Rule of Law, Shigeru Mochida. UNMIT continued its “one United Nations system” approach, consistent with its integrated strategic framework.

II. Political and security developments since 20 September 2011

2. The overall situation in Timor-Leste remained calm. Political parties continued their preparations for the 2012 presidential and parliamentary elections, with several parties holding national congresses, including the Partido Democrático (PD), the second largest party in the Alliance for a Parliamentary Majority (AMP) Government and the third largest party in Parliament. Party leaders continued to call for security and stability during the electoral period. In his speech on 28 November, the thirty-sixth anniversary of the Timor-Leste Declaration of Independence, the President of Timor-Leste, José Ramos-Horta, commended all Timorese for contributing to a positive atmosphere of peace and hope. As a follow-up to the dialogue among national leaders co-hosted by President Ramos-Horta and by the Bishop of Baucau on 26 July (see S/2011/641, para. 11), another meeting is planned to be held prior to the elections.

Jan 2, 2012

A New Year Begins – but what else will be new?

By Agio Pereira

As we end 2011 and begin another new year, the international security arena is filled with dangerous news. The European Union continues to give little indication of being capable of taking the definitive action needed to save the Eurozone’s currency and its economy from deepening financial crisis. While the financial mess in the periphery of Greece and Portugal heralds the possible break-up of the Union, the weakness of Italy and Spain is of even greater concern.

If France was to falter, then the game is all but up. This coupled with the anemic US economy and the threat of a Chinese slow down, raises the specter of a global recession.

Potential candidates to leave the EZ, the world’s current conflicts still rage and threaten global security. The “Strait of Hormuz standoff continues as Iran films US aircraft carrier”[1] does not add to any sense of optimism. The US too, perhaps moved by its own financial crisis and desperate need to create jobs, decided to move on with $11 billion worth of arms and training for the Iraqi military. This is in spite of the apparent move by Prime Minister al-Maliki to build a one-party system with possible moves to establish closer links with Iran.[2] In the Korean Peninsula the hard line communist North Korea declares Kim Jong-un its new supreme leader in the presence of what the New York Times writer Choe Sang-Hun says was a crowd of tens of thousands, most of them uniformed soldiers, packed the plaza – named after…the North’s founding president, Kim Il-sung.[3]

Dec 7, 2011

Sky Assault on Dili - 7 December 1975

For only seven hours, on Sunday December 7, 1975, through the biggest airborne operation in ABRI's history, the city of Dili, East Timor, was taken over. 1st Group Kopassandha (Army Special Forces) and 18th Brigade/Kostrad (Army Strategic Reserve Command) Airborne, mostly from 502 Battalion/Raiders, East Java, parachuted from nine Air Force C-130B Hercules

At about 05.00 WITA, BTP-5 (Battalion Landing Team)/Marine Infantry, tip toed at Alor Village's beach. With the support of gun fire from Indonesian Navy warship, BTP-5 headed the big plan of taking over the city of Dili, December 7, 1975. The operation was the continuation of "Operation Komodo" by Bakin at the beginning of 1975, to anticipate more political problems in Timor Loro Sae (East Land of the Rising Sun).

This prolonged political euphoria forces Indonesia to step up the operation into a limited Sandhi Yudha operation (combat intelligence) with the code name "Operasi Flamboyan (Operation Poinciana). This operation led by Colonel Dading Kalbuadi, with the Army Special Forces as 1st Group operation's core strike force that have placed 2nd Combat Detachment at the border since October 1975, will later change into "Operation Seroja" (Operation Lotus).

Dec 4, 2011

Remember the Santa Cruz massacre

Noam Chomsky
By Prodita Sabarini in Jakarta/The Jakarta Post | ANN

Jakarta (The Jakarta Post/ANN) - American philosopher and linguist Noam Chomsky said justice was escaping human rights abuse victims, as he spoke of Indonesia's dark period in East Timor (now Timor Leste) with the Santa Cruz Massacre 20 years ago, and the West's complicity in that episode of violence.

The prolific left-wing thinker gave his lecture on "Revolutionary Pacifism" in Sydney's Town Hall recently as he received the Sydney Peace Prize awarded annually by the Sydney Peace Foundation.

"Another anniversary that should be in our minds today is of the massacre in the Santa Cruz graveyard in Dili just 20 years ago, the most publicised of a great many shocking atrocities during the Indonesian invasion and annexation of East Timor," he said.

Twenty years ago on November 12 in Dili, the military fired on civilians attending a memorial service of a resistance fighter, killing 270 people. Sixteen years earlier, with the backing of the US and Australia's encouragement, Indonesia annexed East Timor.

Nov 28, 2011

Serie “Esclarecimento Eleitoral” (9) “Multipartidarismo”: Pluralidade, Complexidade no Democracia

Martinho G. da Silva Gusmão

Iha 2012, ita sei hare partido 22 ne’ebe hakat ba oin atu tuir processo eleição. Hare ba partido bara-barak, ema hotu sai bilan tiha atu sukat qualidade democracia. Balun halo comentário maka’as. Balun fali mura-muran. Balun la liga tiha. At liu tan, wainhira balun sei dehan “tan sa CNE la hapara tiha ema sira ne’ebe harii partido ne’e, maibe simu nafatin?”. Infelizmente, husi ema hirak ne’e balun mos membro PN no Governo rasik, inclui oposição. Afinal, atu hetan legislação ba partido sira, PN mak iha kna’ar no kbi’it atu loke dalan ka taka dalan.

Maibe, importante atu ita hatene katak, iha lei no. 3/2004 kona ba partidos políticos hakerek nune’e – “Os partidos políticos catalizam e organizam a participação do cidadão na vida política do país e é hoje inquestionável que o multipartidarismo constitui uma das traves mestras da democracia contemporânea. Neste contexto, importa definir as regras de acção partidária de forma a garantir o correcto funcionamento dos partidos políticos no nosso país”. Liafuan hirak ne’ebe hatur iha lei ba partidos políticos ne’e halo hau hanoin hikas livro husi James Bohman, Public Deliberation: Pluralism, Complexity and Democracy (2000). Katak, democracia contemporânea hamosu buat bara-barak no oin-oin ne’ebe todan iha política nian laran. Sasukat ida ba democracia ne’e mak multipartidarismo (hanesan mos media comunicação social no associação oi-oin tan) nudar “public deliberation”. Bohman nia hanoin hanesan atu hatur oituan síntese (kaer hamutuk, ta’es hamutuk) husi debate entre Jürgen Habermas no John Rawls (cf., Débat sur la justice politique, 1997) iha área filosofia política nian.

Democracia contemporânea

Nov 23, 2011

Serie “Esclarecimento Eleitoral” (8) Votação Exterior: localização democracia, globalização eleição

*)Martinho G. da Silva Gusmão

Iha blog facebook “Emerging Leaderhip in Democracy”, Jo Monteiro hakerek nune’e “la kleur tan TL selebra festa demokrasia liu husi elisaun jeral 2012 (elisaun PR no elisaun parlamentar). Hau nia pergunta mak ne'e: TL iha ona lei ida nebe sai hanesan baze legal ba sidadaun hirak nebe hela iha estranjeiru atu hotu2 iha direitu ba votasaun ou lae? tamba esperensia hatudu katak iha 2007, ami nebe mak iha Indonesia momentu neba labele fo votus tamba ita ninia atual Ministra Justisa Sra. Luciba Lobato hateten katak TL seidauk iha lei ida nebe mak autoriza sidadaun TL iha rai liu atu tuir elisaun jeral. Karik situasaun ida nee sei akontese tan iha 2012, entaun ema Timor oan barak, liu iha rai liur (indonesia, inglaterra, australia, portugal, brazil, etc) sei lakon tan sira nia direitu ba votasaun. Parlmentu nasional no CNE ninia pozisaun too iha nebe? Oinsa ita bot sira nia pontu da vista ba asuntu ne'e. Obrigado.”

Base legal: localização democracia

Iha LEPN/ LEPR artigo 37o-A/ 39o-A ho titulo “Timorenses no estrangeiro”, hatur no hatudu dalan oinsa mak atu halao eleição no votação ba Timor oan sira iha rai liur, dehan ...


Nov 12, 2011

Santa Cruz Massacre

In October 1991 a delegation to East Timor consisting of members from the Portuguese Parliament and twelve journalists was planned during a visit from UN Special Rapporteur for Human Rights on Torture, Pieter Kooijmans.[1] The Indonesian Government objected to the inclusion in the delegation of Jill Jolliffe, an Australian journalist whom it regarded as supportive of the Fretilin independence movement,[2][3] and Portugal subsequently canceled the delegation. The cancellation demoralised independence activists in East Timor, who had hoped to use the visit to raise the international profile of their cause.[4] Tensions between Indonesian authorities and East Timorese youths rose in the days after Portugal's cancellation. On 28 October, Indonesian troops had located a group of resistance members in Dili's Motael Church. A confrontation ensued between pro-integration activists and those in the church; when it was over, one man on each side was dead. Sebastião Gomes, a supporter of independence for East Timor, was taken out of the church and shot by Indonesian troops, and integration activist Afonso Henriques was stabbed and killed during the fight.[5]

A number of foreigners had come to East Timor to observe the Portuguese delegation, including independent US journalists Amy Goodman and Allan Nairn, and British cameraman Max Stahl. They attended a memorial service for Gomes on 12 November, during which several thousand men, women, and children walked from the Motael Church to the nearby Santa Cruz cemetery. Along the way, members of the group pulled out protest banners and East Timorese flags, chanted slogans, and taunted Indonesian soldiers and police officers.[6] Organizers of the protest maintained order during the protest; although it was loud, the crowd was peaceful and orderly, by most accounts.[7] It was the largest and most visible demonstration against the Indonesian occupation since 1975.[8]

Reflections at 20 Year Santa Cruz Commemoration at Dili University by Charles Scheiner

By Charles Scheiner, ETAN and La’o Hamutuk

11 November 2011 (translated from Tetum)

Thank you Maun Atino, and I appreciate the wisdom and history we just heard from two Antonios. I am grateful to the Klibur Universade Progresivu (KUP) for organizing this important event, and for inviting me to participate.

Tonight, I’m honored to be with so many young Timorese people who believe in justice and independence. Twenty years ago, brave people just like you peacefully demonstrated against the Indonesian occupation of your country. Nobody paid them, or ordered them, or told them it would be safe or easy.

The Santa Cruz protesters inspired people around the world, including me. I was in New York, and I heard about the massacre on community radio. Although I already knew about Indonesia’s illegal occupation here, and about the criminal support my Government was giving to it, I hadn’t done much to stop it.

Nov 8, 2011

Serie “Esclarecimento Eleitoral” (6) “Capacidade eleitoral”: Hatur F-FDTL no PNTL nia Fatin

Martinho G. da Silva Gusmão *)


PNTL/ F-FDTL bele tuir eleição ka labele? Secretario do Estado ba Defesa nian dehan katak nia sei garantia atu F-FDTL (hau la rona kona ba PNTL) atu bele ba vota. Maibe, declaração SED la tama iha categoria ruma, tan comando la’os iha nia liman sa tan iha nia liafuan. Tan ne’e, discussão kona ba F-FDTL no PNTL ninia participação iha eleição hela nakloken nafatin. Ema balun hanoin katak, sira labele tuir eleição tan nudar lutu no liman kroat povo nian, sira tenki netral. Labele envolve iha partido político. Seluk dehan, sira bele tuir eleição tan sira mos hanesan cidadão Timor Leste nian iha direito atu participa iha política.

Iha principio universal ba eleição nian dehan katak “só é elegível quem é eleitor” – katak eleitor ida ne’ebe ba tuir eleição mak bele sai candidato atu ema seluk bele hili nia. Nia hili ema seluk; ema seluk mos bele hili nia. Wainhira ema ida lakohi tuir eleição, nia mos lalika sai candidato atu ema seluk hili nia. Maibe, wainhira hira nia ba ona hili ema seluk, nia mos iha direito atu sai candidato ba cargo eletivo ida. Tan ne’e mak LEPN/ LEPR ko’alia kona ba capacidade eleitoral. Husi ne’e mak ita bele dehan katak membro PNTL/ F-FDTL bele iha capacidade eleitoral activa, maibe sira la iha capacidade eleitoral passiva! Husi biban seluk, ita mos labele taka matan ba lei orgânica husi instituição boot 2 ne’e hodi hare sira nia principio rasik: sira fo dalan ba sira nia an ka sira taka dalan?

Saida mak “Capacidade eleitoral”?

Nov 1, 2011

Serie “Esclarecimento Eleitoral” (5) “Eleição antecipada” – Tan sa no oinsa mak bele mosu?

Martinho G. da Silva Gusmão

Resultado husi eleição geral 2007 hamosu conflito boot too mosu violência. Maibe, iha fali conflito seluk ne’ebe maka’as liu mak hare husi teoria política kona ba eleição. FRETILIN la simu resultado eleição ne’ebe loke espaço luan tebes hodi partido ida ne’e la kaer ukun, maski “mais votado”. Nune’e partido histórico ne’e husu mak eleição antecipada. Tebes duni katak eleição antecipada la mosu. Maibe, ida ne’e la significa katak ita bele haluha tiha deit conceito ida ne’e. Iha teoria nia laran, eleição antecipada ne’e importante no hola parte iha processo democratização. Tan liu deit husi dalan ida ne’e mak ita bele resolve caso balun ka disputa iha distribuição kona ba cargo eletivo ruma.

Nudar ita hatene ona katak, iha principio de sufrágio nian eleição halao tuir “periódico” ida, katak, sistema tinan 5 dala ida. Maibe, bele mosu iha dalan klaran wainhira cargo político eletivo ruma mamuk (vacatura), ne’ebe haruka duni atu halao eleição molok ninia período too. Exemplo: makaer-ukun (incumbent) balun labele hakat ba oin hodi kaer ukun too ninia periode hotu; bele mos, posição ne’e mamuk tan incumbent mate; ka, sira halo crime todan (exemplo: contra constituição) hodi obriga ema tun husi nia kadunan, no razão seluk tan. Iha situação hirak ne’e, sistema la fo dalan atu halo “transferência” ba poder, maibe tem que liu husi eleição. Husi ne’e mak mosu eleição antecipada. Iha dolen Inglês mosu liafuan sira hanesan, “by-election”, “early election”, ka “special election”.

Tan sa mak iha eleição antecipada?

Oct 31, 2011

East Timor: Asean's Sleeping Beauty

By Kavi Chongkittavorn

Asean is losing East Timor big time. After a few moments of intensive discussion early this year over the possible membership of the world's youngest democracy, Asean's decision-makers remain noncommittal. In a nutshell, the issue of East Timor's membership is lying dormant. At the upcoming Asean Coordinating Council Meeting on November 16 ahead of the Asean Summit in Bali, the membership issue is on the agenda but nobody knows what kind of decision will be made.

Since the official application was filed in March, there have been efforts both inside East Timor and outside to help the region's poorest country prepare for eventual Asean membership in 2012. It is an open secret that President Jose Ramos Horta has personally been pushing this scheme. He wants to realise his dream of seeing his country as the 11th member of Asean, especially during his presidency, which ends next March, when the presidential election is scheduled. In a speech to the UN General Assembly in September, Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao even highlighted East Timor's desire to join Asean to share in the spirit of cooperation. However, as time goes by, it is clear the overall grouping's enthusiasm has diminished quickly as Asean tackles more pressing problems within the organisation. Senior Asean officials met recently in Bali and did not talk about the issue. There is no guarantee that the group's decision-makers will have changed their minds by 2015, when Asean is to form a single economic community. Papua New Guinea, an Asean observer since 1986, might want to become a member at that time too.

Oct 24, 2011

Serie “esclarecimento eleitoral” (4) Eleição (2): Votação & Abstenção

Martinho G. da Silva Gusmão*)

Problema ne’ebe mosu: ema bele ba vota ka lalika? Se ema ida lakohi ba vota, ninia sansão (castigo) saida? Se nia ba vota, nia manan saida?

Molok atu hatan, ita hare lai iha buat rua mak la hanesan – “eleição” no “votação”. Liafuan eleição ne’e luan liu – tan hatudu ba processo naruk ida husi “recenseamento eleitoral” (actualização base de dados), “apresentação das candidaturas”, harii centros de votação (estação de votos), “campanha eleitoral (propaganda), too “contagem dos votos e o apuramento dos resultados”. Iha Lei dos Órgãos da Administração Eleitoral(LOAE), hakerek tan “O sufrágio propriamente dito”. Maibe, ema barak hanoin (infelizmente, PN no Governo mos inclui), katak, eleição ne’e hanesan deit ho votação. Tan ne’e, besik ona loron eleição mak hotu-hotu (infelizmente, partido político sira hotu) fera ulun no bidu tun bidu sae atu organiza “campanha” (falun ho liafuan “consolidação”), halo “propaganda” atu manan “votos” (balun dehan “sapu bersih”, balun dehan “ra’ut moos”, seluk fali dehan “hili ida-ida too nakonu”, nst). Wainhira ninia resultado la monu iha laran mak hahu runguranga.

Nudar cidadão ne’ebe diak, nia labele taka matan ba processo eleição. Liu-liu iha fase “recenseamento eleitoral” (voter registration) ne’e obrigatório no oficioso ba ema hotu. Cidadão hotu-hotu tenki ba tau naran nudar eleitor. Maibe, iha loron atu ba halo votação, nia bele rejeita.

Saida mak Votação?

Report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (for the period from 8 January 2011 to 20 September 2011)

Security Council 

Distr.: General 14 October 2011 Original: English 

Report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (for the period from 8 January 2011 to 20 September 2011) 

 I. Introduction 

1. The present report is submitted pursuant to Security Council resolution 1969 (2011), by which the Council extended the mandate of the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT) until 26 February 2012. It covers major developments in Timor-Leste and the implementation of the Mission’s mandate since 7 January 2011. My Special Representative, Ameerah Haq, continued to lead the Mission and coordinate with United Nations system actors and other stakeholders. She was assisted by my Deputy Special Representative for Governance Support, Development and Humanitarian Coordination, Finn Reske-Nielsen, and by my Deputy Special Representative for Security Sector Support and Rule of Law, Shigeru Mochida. UNMIT continued its “one United Nations system” approach, consistent with its integrated strategic framework.  

 II. Political and security developments since 7 January 2011 

2. The overall situation in Timor-Leste remained generally calm, with continued progress towards the consolidation of peace, stability and development. Political parties intensified their internal organizational activities in preparation for the 2012 presidential and parliamentary elections. During those activities, party leaders underscored the need to sustain national unity and to concentrate on longer-term socio-economic and development strategies. At a dialogue on 26 July facilitated by the Bishop of Baucau (see para. 11 below), political leaders agreed on the importance of ensuring stability during the electoral process.  

Oct 11, 2011

Serie “esclarecimento eleitoral” (2) “Critérios de eleições”: Sura Voto, Fahe Cadeira, Ida Hira?


)* Martinho G. da Silva Gusmão



Pergunta ne’ebe mosu bebeik – “cadeira ida nia folin hira?” Analista lubuk ida mak koko atu hatan, balun dehan 8,000, ka 9,000 ka 10,000 ka 15,000 ka 20,000. Ida-idak mai ho ninia versão. Balun husu atu CNE declara lolos cadeira ida nia folin hira, atu ema bele hakmatek! Se lae, aban bainrua bele mosu manipulação. CNE labele hatan, basa seidauk mosu eleição. Ninia razão simples deit, katak, baibain ita iha tiha sasan ruma mak ita fahe ... wainhira liman sei mamuk ita labele fahe buat ida. Nune’e mos atu fahe sasan ruma, ita iha sasukat.


Hare hikas iha Lei eleitoral para o Parlamento Nacional (LEPN), pergunta iha leten la relevante. Maibe buat ne’ebe ita bele husu: “Ema nain hira mak hetan cadeira?” no “Oinsa mak hetan cadeira ne’e?” Resposta ba ida uluk – ema nain 65 mak hetan cadeira. Ba ida seluk: hare (a) barreira eleitoral no (b) método de Hondt. Ida ne’e mak sai hanesan sasukat, ka, “critérios de eleições” atu oinsa mak partido/ candidato sira hetan cadeira no manan eleição. Ita tenki dehan mos, katak, partido ne’ebe lakon eleição mak sira ne’ebe la hetan cadeira ida.

Oct 9, 2011

Série “esclarecimento eleitoral” (1) ÓRGÃOS DA ADMINISTRAÇÃO ELEITORAL

Série “esclarecimento eleitoral” (1)
ÓRGÃOS DA ADMINISTRAÇÃO ELEITORAL

Martinho G. da Silva Gusmão

Besik daudaun ona eleição, ema hotu sei hateke lisuk Comissão Nacional de Eleições (CNE) no Secretariado Técnico da Administração Eleitoral (STAE). Tuir Lei-Inang artigo 65 no. 6 dehan “A supervisão do recenceamento e dos actos eleitorais cabe a um órgão independente, cujas competências, composição, organização e funcionamento são fixados por lei”. Husi ne’e mak PN halo lei nº. 5/ 2008 no alteração nº 6/ 2011 kona Órgãos da Administração Eleitoral (LOAE). Husi constituição ita hare kedas knaar boot 2 ne’ebe CNE halo mak “supervisão” ba “recenseamento” no ba “actos eleitorais”. LOAE hatur hikas CNE ninia competência (a–k) hodi esplica liu tan kona ba “actos eleitorais”.

Atu hatene didiak CNE ninia competência, ita bele compara eleição ne’e hanesan “jogo” ida (i.e., football karik) iha campo democracia nia laran. Equipa sira ne’ebe atu joga mak partido político. Atu manan ka atu lakon, ne’e partido político mak tama campo laran atu joga contra malu. Atu joga diak no hakarak manan, sira tenki halo treinamento maka’as, halo estratégia programática no esquemática hodi joga didiak. Atu joga foer ka joga mos, ne’e partido mak halo iha campo laran. Atu hetan cartão mean ka kinur, ne’e partido mak sukat ninia jogo. Atu hatama gol ka tebe sai ba liur deit mos, partido mak iha ain no matan atu hare baliza. Dirigente partido sira mak hanesan equipa “treinador”, hamutuk ho equipa “massage” nian. Wainhira dirigente la iha imaginação política atu manan ho elegância, sei mosu joga foer no lakon.

Sep 26, 2011

Golkar Puji Pembangunan di Timor Leste

VIVAnews - Ketua Umum DPP Partai Golkar, Aburizal Bakrie, memuji proses pembangunan di Timor Leste. Menurut dia, negeri Timor Lorosa'e itu, setelah merdeka dari Indonesia pada 20 Mei 2002, mampu melaksanakan pembangunan: membangun perasaan dan ikatan kebangsaan, mengembangkan masyarak multilingual, mengembangkan birokrasi sipil, reorganisasi militer dan sipil, serta mengejar pembangunan dan pertumbuhan ekonomi.

"Upaya mendorong kemajuan suatu bangsa bukanlah persoalan yang mudah. Dalam waktu yang cukup singkat, kurang lebih satu dekade, Timor Leste telah membuktikan bahwa semua itu mungkin untuk dilakukan," kata Aburizal dalam pidato singkat di Kongres Ke-3 Partai Fretilin di Ibukota Dili, Timor Leste, Kamis, 8 September 2011.

"Dan, yang cukup membanggakan, Timor Leste melakukan (pembangunan) itu dalam sistem pemerintahan yang relatif demokratis dan upaya yang semakin lama semakin mandiri," kata Aburizal dalam forum yang dihadiri dua petinggi utama Partai Fretilin, Ketua Umum Francisco Guteres Lu-Olo dan Sekretaris Jenderal Marie Alkatiri.

Sep 25, 2011

XANANA GUSMAO: ON THE OCCASION OF THE 66TH SESSION OF THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY

DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF TIMOR-LESTE

ADDRESS BY HIS EXCELLENCY THE PRIME MINISTER 
AND MINISTER OF DEFENCE AND SECURITY KAY RALA XANANA GUSMÃO

ON THE OCCASION OF 
THE 66TH SESSION OF THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY

New York, 23 SEPTEMBER 2011 2

Your Excellency President of the General Assembly
Your Excellency the Secretary-General
Excellencies
Ladies and Gentlemen

It is a great pleasure for me to be back at the United Nations Headquarters. Last February, I had the honour of taking part in the Security Council meeting, where I took the opportunity to thank the permanent members and all other nations that have been part of the Council for the generosity and care that have always been present in the resolutions on Timor-Leste.

Today, on behalf of the people of Timor-Leste, I want to take this opportunity to thank all members of this forum for the support they have given to Timor-Leste in the promotion of peace and security and in the building of our national institutions.

I am pleased to inform the General Assembly that we have come a long way as a people and as a state replacing intolerance with constructive dialogue, and the right to protest with the duty to protest responsibly.

We have taken firm steps away from the difficult circumstances of the past and we have renewed the confidence of the Timorese people in the institutions of the State. As such, we have already endorsed the Joint Transitional Plan for the withdrawal of the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste by the end of 2012.